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Telephone Operators as Knowledge Workers: Consultants Who Meet Customer Needs

Michael J. Muller* , Rebecca Carr**, Catherine Ashworth*, Barbara Diekmann*, Cathleen Wharton*, Cherie Eickstaedt**, and Joan Clonts**

* U S WEST Technologies, 4001 Discovery Drive, Boulder CO 80303 USA, +1-303-541-8182 (fax)
** U S WEST Communications, 1801 California, Denver CO 80202 USA, +1-303-896-2563 (fax)


Muller: michael@advtech.uswest.com, +1-303-541- 6564.
Carr: rcarr@future.mnet.uswest.com, +1-303-896- 8278.
Diekmann: diekmann@advtech.uswest.com, +1-303- 541-6769.
Eickstaedt: ceickst@future.mnet.uswest.com, +1-303-896-5963.
Clonts: jclonts@future.mnet.uswest. com, +1-303-778-4023.
Ashworth: ashworth@clipr. colorado.edu, +1-303-541-6613.
Wharton: cwharton@ advtech.uswest.com, +1-303-541-6292.

© ACM

Abstract:

We present two large studies and one case study that make a strong case for considering telephone operators as knowledge workers. We describe a quantitative analysis of the diversity of operators' knowledge work, and of how their knowledge work coordinates with the subtle resources contained within customers' requests. Operators engage in collaborative query refinement with customers, exhibiting a rich set of skilled performances. Earlier reports characterized the operators' role as an intermediary between customer and database. In contrast, we focus on operator's consultative work in which they use computer systems as one type of support for their primarily cognitive activities. Our results suggest that knowledge work may be a subtle feature of many jobs, not only those that are labeled as such. Our methodology may be useful for the analysis of other domains involving skilled workers.

Keywords:

Telephone operators, knowledge work, expertise, skilled performance, participatory design, participatory analysis

Introduction

This paper develops and documents U S WEST's emerging view of telephone operators as knowledge workers. We describe qualitative and quantitative task analyses that show the diversity and depth of operators' skilled performances.

We begin with a brief overview of the work of Directory Assistance (DA) operators, followed by a review of HCI research on telephone operators. We then present data from a detailed task analysis conducted with DA operators at a U S WEST Communications DA office. We describe a variety of types of expertise-based work that operators perform on more than 50% of the calls that they handle. We supplement this major analysis with a second, confirmatory task analysis conducted with DA operators at a second U S WEST Communications site. For comparison purposes, we briefly report a case study of the work of one toll and assistance (TA) operator.

Previous reports characterized the DA operators' role as intermediary between customers and a system or database [10]. Our results support a more human-to-human view of the job, with the important knowledge and expertise vested in the operators, rather than in their computer support tools. Our interpretation is in some ways similar to Kidd's analysis of knowledge work [9]. Our view is aligned with Floyd's process-oriented paradigm (the human work process is the starting point), rather than with the more system-focused, product-oriented paradigm [4].

In our view, DA operators serve as expert consultants. They help customers articulate their needs, engaging in collaborative query refinement at one or more stages of a DA call. Operators serve as experts in a variety of domains of relevance to their customers' lives, helping them to navigate through government agencies, complex business hierarchies, partially remembered geographies, and dynamic changes in their customers' worlds. In a small case study, we find similar themes in the work of TA operators. These interpretations - that is, that operators perform significant knowledge work - have powerful implications for work practices, training, support technologies, and partnerships between management and the labor force.

The Work of Directory Assistance Operators

DA operators are the women and men who look up telephone numbers in response to customers' requests. Different countries have different practices in this area. In the US and Canada, all DA calls go to operators who have access to databases for residential, business, and government telephone numbers (by contrast, in Poland, different operators are responsible for each type of listings). Because of the volume of work and the number of operators who perform it, telephone companies are often concerned to minimize the time required to handle each DA call. Savings of even a tenth of a second per call are multiplied into significant corporate economies.

The hallmark of DA work is fast accuracy. In U S WEST, the average call to a DA operator takes less than half a minute. During this brief time, the operator listens to the customer's request, and often engages in collaborative refinement of that query with the customer. Based on her or his analysis of the customer's needs - and perhaps supplemented by new information that may have been communicated from the business office at the beginning of the work shift - the operator executes one or more searches in a complex set of specialized databases, most of which are internally partitioned. The operator then reports only the relevant subset of the search results to the customer - this is a second opportunity for collaborative refinement. To save work time, the operator often invokes a computerized audio report support tool that delivers the telephone number to the customer. In some localities, this tool may optionally dial the call for the customer.

Previous Research on Telephone Operators

In prior work, Lawrence et al. analyzed the work of DA operators as a special form of mediation between customer and database. In their terms, operators are a particular case of the general class of work involving two humans and a computer: "In these interactions, one person, typically a customer, wants to accomplish some goal with a system but does so by interacting with a human intermediary. The computer operator is, in effect, a 'surrogate user'." [10, p. 399]. They provided examples of several types of translations and inferences that DA operators perform while working in this mode, and continued earlier quantitative research into operators' abilities to time-share their human-to-human and human-to-computer interactions. In this paper, we provide a more rigorous taxonomy of DA operators' cognitive and social work, and quantitative estimates of the occurrence of knowledge work.

Campbell and Velius [2] and Stuart and Gabrys [15] used a modeling approach to predict the impact of experimental technologies on DA calls. Unlike previous successes in the modeling and prediction of Toll and Assistance (TA) operators' work [6,8], both of these papers found large deviations from their models' predictions. These may signal trouble for proposals to automate DA calls [11,12]. Some of the subtle complexities of operators' work, explored in this paper, may help to explain these outcomes.

Conceptions of operators' work are important to U S WEST Communications' Operator and Information Services (OIS) organization and to the operators' union, the Communication Workers of America (CWA), which are together developing knowledge worker descriptions of other job titles [3,7]. It has been important to OIS and CWA to understand operators' work in detail, so that the company and the union can support their work and the quality of service that they provide to U S WEST's customers.

TASK ANALYSIS WITH DIRECTORY ASSISTANCE OPERATORS

Our major task analysis took place in two stages. The first stage was a qualitative study, conducted by subject matter experts (SMEs) from the OIS training organization, in col- laboration with a human factors worker. The results of this stage guided the second, quantitative stage. The quantitative task analysis was conducted by one SME and one human factors worker, with ten operator participants who were selected and recruited by CWA. Analyses of the videotaped data were conducted by a team of HCI specialists, in close collaboration with the SME. Interim and final results were validated with representatives of CWA.

Collaborative Qualitative Analysis Method

The qualitative task analysis used the CARD and PICTIVE techniques from participatory design [13,17]. We emphasize that we were not, in this stage, engaged in a participatory activity, because no operators (users) were involved in this preliminary analysis. However, we used participatory techniques in our qualitative analysis.

We applied CARD and PICTIVE in a "bifocal" analytical approach [14]. CARD (which uses card images to represent work tasks and events [16,17]) was used to analyze higher- level task flow issues, and PICTIVE (which uses paper- and-pencil representations of interaction media [13]) was used to analyze lower-level interactions with specific artifacts, including workstation screens. These techniques have been described extensively, and will not be detailed here. However, we note that one aspect of the CARD technique was particularly valuable: This was the ability to include explicit representations of the operator's goals, strategies, and other mental operations as part of the workflow.

Results

Through the qualitative task analysis, we produced an initial description of the work of DA operators, including representative task flows, which were shown in [16]. It quickly became obvious that there were many opportunities for operators to perform a variety of types of knowledge work during these task flows. Figure 1 shows one example of a variety of types of knowledge work (for convenience, two different calls have been combined in the one figure). Specific descriptions of types of knowledge work will be provided in the next section.

We verified these results with representatives of CWA. We then turned to a quantitative task analysis to determine, in part, how often operators engaged in knowledge-work activities, and what resources supported those activities.

Quantitative Analyses Method

The qualitative task analysis used the method of direct, videotaped observation of one hour of live traffic handled by each of ten operator participants. Calls were recorded during three weekdays during autumn 1993, between the hours of 8:00AM and 8:00PM. Video recordings of the DA calls were supplemented by each operator viewing her or his videotape and providing explanatory comments; these participatory analysis sessions were also videotaped.

Figure 1. An example of a Directory Assistance call, focusing on Operators' knowledge work.

Some of the credentials of the operator participants are summarized in Table 1. Five operators were women, and five were men.

Table 1. Backgrounds of Operator Participants

Fifty calls from each operator's videotape were subsequently analyzed in detail. Of these calls, 73 percent asked about businesses; 18 percent were for residences; 8 percent were for government agencies; and 1 percent were other miscellaneous requests (area code, time of day, etc.). In this brief paper, we cannot present all of our results. The following two subsections focus on operators' knowledge work, and on conditions enabling that work.

Results: Operators' Knowledge Work

Figure 2 provides an overview of the results relating to operators' knowledge work. Fifty-three percent of the calls involved at least one type of knowledge work. Thirty-one percent involved more than one type.

Figure 2. Occurrence of knowledge work in DA calls.

Figure 3 details the types of knowledge work that we analyzed, based on the qualitative task analysis and on operators' narratives during the participatory analysis.

Figure 3. Types of knowledge work in DA calls.

These included:

Results: Customer-Volunteered Information

What resources do DA operators use to perform this knowledge work? One often-overlooked resource is the information that customers volunteer - that is, information that is over and above the standard locality and name of the listing information that operators are trained to request, and that technologists design toward [11,12]. When we analyzed customer-volunteered information, we found that it occurred during more than half the calls (Figure 4). Details of the types of customer- volunteered information are provided in Figure 5.

Figure 4. Occurrence of customer-volunteered information (in addition to locality and listing) in DA calls.

Figure 5. Types of customer-volunteered information (in addition to locality and listing) in DA calls.

Lawrence, Atwood, and Dews also have described some aspects of customer-provided information. They argued that the lack of specificity in the customers' information could be a problem: "They might say that the name is 'something like,' or that 'it might be in Cambridge,' or 'it's near Queens Boulevard'" [10, p. 402]. Our experience has been that operators are adept at making sense and meaning from these approximations, although this process may require an extra conversational turn (see Figure 1, and the knowledge work categories of "Schools," "Events," and "Neighborhoods," above). A customer's approximate query for a government agency provides a similar opportunity for collaborative query refinement, as the operator probes the customer's needs. We have observed operators asking questions such as "Vialsystics? Do you mean birth records?" [vital statistics] and "Well, was it a moving violation?" [to look up the appropriate court] as they helped customers to articulate their needs.

Did operators use the customer-volunteered information for their knowledge work? As Figure 6 shows, knowledge work was significantly associated with customer- volunteered information (X2=5.87, p<.02).

Figure 6. Correlation of knowledge work and customer- volunteered information in DA calls.

CONFIRMATORY TASK ANALYSIS AT A SECOND DIRECTORY ASSISTANCE OFFICE

During the summer of 1994, one of us had the opportunity to conduct a quantitative task analysis at a second DA office in U S WEST. Unlike the first analysis, the second exercise could not use videotaped recordings. Calls were observed and characterized in real-time. Therefore, we suspect that subtle types of knowledge work and customer- volunteered information may have gone undetected.

Eight operators participated. Approximately 50 calls were scored for each operator, using the taxonomy of knowledge work presented above, for a total of 410 calls. DA operators performed knowledge work on 41 percent of the calls, and customers volunteered information on 37 percent of the calls. However, the association between knowledge work and customer-volunteered information in this sample did not achieve significance (X2=3.40, p>.05).

In terms of overall percentages, these results are broadly consistent with the 1993 task analysis described above, showing over 40% of the calls involving knowledge work (over 50% in the 1993 task analysis). This similarity occurred despite the fact that the two DA offices were separated by 700 miles, different local work practices, and different vendors' workstations.

OPERATORS' WORK AS MUNDANE EXPERTISE

We compared our view of DA operators' knowledge work with published conceptual analyses of expert performance. DA operators' work fulfilled all seven of the criteria listed by Glaser and Chi [5]:

DA operators maintain extensive long-term knowledge of the structure and details of information in their databases. Using this knowledge, they can trim seconds off their calls while providing accurate information. Examples include:

We note that our conceptions of skill and expertise are based on the mundane, every-day skills of an experienced worker (e.g., [9]), and not on the extraordinary skills of an exceptional performer. For a discussion of mundane skills, see [1].

CASE STUDY WITH ONE TOLL AND ASSISTANCE OPERATOR

We were curious to know if our results regarding knowledge work were applicable to another operator job - that of Toll and Assistance (TA) operators. The work of TA operators has been extensively studied and modeled, with spectacular successes for cognitive modeling in real- world settings [6,8]. However, the requirements of these modeling activities appeared to contrast with our knowledge work findings in DA operators. For the modeling techniques to be effective, the modeled behavior must be routine and repeatable. Variations in the behavior should be quantitative, rather than qualitative. For the modeled calls, John wrote: "There is typically no problem solving involved; the [operator] simply recognizes the call situation and executes routine procedures associated with that situation" [8, p. 107]. Similarly, according to Gray et al., "TAOs [toll and assistance operators] recognize each call situation and execute well-practiced methods, rather than engage in problem solving." [6, p. 241].

Could it be that, while DA operators engage in knowledge work on over half of their calls, TA operators do none? One of us worked with one TA operator to explore this question. This section briefly introduces the work of TA operators, and then describes our tentative findings.

The Work of Toll and Assistance (TA) Operators

Operators who work in TA in the US have different responsibilities from those who work in DA. TA operators are primarily concerned with call completion - that is, with helping a customer who already knows the number s/he wants to call, but needs operator assistance to place the call. Assistance may take the form of special dialing, but is most often concerned with alternate billing arrangements (collect calls, billing to credit cards or calling cards, or billing to the caller's home telephone number if the caller is traveling). TA operators may also receive nearly all other requests for assistance. These include a great miscellany of problems, ranging from a customer who needs to interrupt someone else's on-going telephone call with an emergency message, to someone who is confused with advanced calling features, to preliminary inquiries about billing, repair, and other telephone company operations that are subsequently handled by other staff at other offices.

Customers' requests for assistance are sometimes the telephone company's first notice of trouble: TA operators therefore serve as first-line trouble diagnosticians, analyzing and reporting system or service problems to other offices in the telephone company. They are aided in their diagnostic work by electronic mail announcements of problems that may affect service. For example, during our observations, the operator received notice of a major forest fire in Montana which had the potential to affect telephone service. The operator used this information to help one customer plan alternate strategies for contacting someone who was on the opposite side of the affected area.

One of us observed 128 TA calls that were handled by a U S WEST TA operator during one weekday morning in summer 1994. Calls were scored in real-time, without any recording medium. As noted above, this may have led to an undercount of subtle types of knowledge work.

A total of 38 percent of the calls involved significant knowledge work by the TA operator, in areas such as customer contact and negotiation skills, collaborative refinement of the customer's needs and request, dialing instructions suited to the customer's ability to understand (especially in the case of international dialing), remote operation of telephone equipment (coin telephones, line tests), and analytic skills (diagnosing errors by other operators, errors by network elements, database or network errors requiring repair). Quantitative details are in Figure 7.

Figure 7. Knowledge work by one TA operator. Task Analysis of One TA Operator's Work

These results must be interpreted tentatively. They will have to be repeated with a larger sample of operators and of calls. Nonetheless, this case study suggests that the earlier research [6,8] may have been based on only a subset of TA operator work. In all probability, the subset was restricted to call-completion services, in which the TA operator handles alternate billing arrangements, such as credit card, collect, third-party, and so on. In fact, 46 percent of the calls in our case study involved call completion, and only 17 percent of the call-completion subset (6 percent of the 128 calls in the study) required operator knowledge work.

DISCUSSION

Customers often call operators not for mediated access to a database, but rather for expert assistance in finding information that the customers need in order to live and work in their worlds. As we have shown, operators respond to these needs through a mixture of their knowledge of the customers' worlds, of the changing circumstances of those worlds, and of the structure and content of their database systems. In this way, we have framed our analysis in terms of the human processes in the work, rather than in terms of the software product that plays a supporting role for one of those humans (see [4]).

While it is certainly true that operators mediate access between customers and databases [10], this formulation appears to omit important aspects of their work, such as extensive knowledge that is not contained within the database, collaborative refinement of customer's queries, and expert diagnostic and problem-solving skills. Similarly, while it is also true that many tasks performed by operators are routine and repeatable [6,8], this formulation, too, appears to omit critical aspects of the application of expert knowledge and analysis, as well as human-to-human skills. Operators are thus a hybrid case between Kidd's clerical workers (who rely primarily on external data and resources) and knowledge workers (who rely primarily on their own internal representations of information) [9].

We do not know, at present, how these more sophisticated skills contribute to customer's perceptions of the quality of service that they receive, nor to the operators' experience of work that is both pleasant and satisfying. We suspect that these components of knowledge, skill, and expertise are crucial for both of these important considerations.

CONCLUSION

These results have helped U S WEST and CWA to develop new understandings and support strategies for the work of telephone operators. An improved understanding of the sophistication of operators' work and practices has helped us to make informed decisions regarding technology supports for operators' work, and is leading us to consider innovative training approaches. We are also considering changes in work practices and in support artifacts for work, designed to strengthen operators' skills-based and consultative roles. Finally, the area of knowledge work opens new research approaches to improve the supports for operators' work.

We hope that these results will inform CHI work in three ways. First, we encourage others to question assumptions about the claimed simplicity of users' work.

Second, we believe that our work contrasts with the essentialism in Kidd's identification of knowledge work with specific workers [9]: While Kidd would classify operators as clerical workers, we have shown that their clerical job contains significant knowledge work. For our work, Kidd's classifications are more helpful as descriptions of work components, rather than descriptions of workers.

Third, we offer our two-phase process as a model of effective CHI analysis practices. We postponed formal, quantitative work, beginning our analyses with qualitative, collaborative approaches that were based in the Scandinavian traditions of participatory design and analysis (collaborative and qualitative are the key concepts here not our specific techniques). We verified our new understandings with the people who were described by those new understandings. The results of these analyses were conceptually compelling, and guided our next steps. Only then did we pursue quantitative analyses, which were compelling for managers and engineers as well as operators.

This two-phase approach allowed us to make discoveries that had previously remained invisible to the more formal approaches used by other CHI researchers [2,6,8,10,12]. Our hybrid model - principled qualitative work, followed by verification with stakeholders, followed by principled quantitative work, followed again by stakeholder verification - provided an effective bridge between the human-process-oriented world of the operators, and the formal-product-oriented world of the engineers. As Floyd has noted [4], negotiating the balance between these worlds is crucial for ethical CHI practice to balance the human as well as organizational needs of all stakeholders.

Acknowledgments

We thank the following people and organizations for their contributions to our work: Joe Barreda, Susan Barry- Hagen, Kevin Boyle, Communications Workers of America Locals 7201 and 7702, Cindy Darcy, Sandy DeRodeff, Joan Greenbaum, Meg MacRae, Monica Marics, Mike Mase, Judy Olson, Chris Plott, Terry Roberts, Joanie Schifsky, Lynn Streeter, Jeff White, and Mary Wiblishauser.

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